President Donald Trump has been critical of PM Keir Starmer because their political views are very different. Starmer supports closer cooperation with Europe and stronger climate policies, while Trump has often opposed these ideas. Public comments and criticism from both sides have sometimes created tension between them. There is truth to Donald Trump’s declaration earlier this week that the UK-US relationship is “not what it was”, although there is no indication that he understands the reasons for the change. The US president is “very disappointed” that Sir Keir Starmer has been “uncooperative” in the war against Iran, offering only limited logistical support to American forces. The prime minister’s concession that RAF resources can be involved in defensive operations does not compensate for the prior refusal to put Britain’s military assets at American disposal. It came too late for Mr Trump, whose irritation turned to culture-war jibes about “windmills” ruining British landscapes and a false claim about the prevalence of sharia courts. Sir Keir is not the only European leader guilty of lèse-majesté. Pedro Sánchez, the Spanish prime minister, has been forthright in opposition to the Iran war. In response, Mr Trump threatened to cut off all trade, saying he no longer wanted “anything to do with Spain”. Sir Keir is right to keep his distance from a military operation with no justification in law and incoherent objectives. But judicious caution doesn’t protect the UK from repercussions if Mr Trump’s irritation should mutate into a longer grudge. There are important differences between the Spanish and British situations. As an EU member, Spain trades with the US as part of the European single market. Disagreements over Iran will further complicate relations between Washington and Brussels, but Mr Trump will not sever economic ties with the bloc just to spite Mr Sánchez. Post-Brexit Britain is more exposed to vindictive unilateral action. The president’s power to impose tariffs on a whim has been curtailed but certainly not ended by a recent supreme court judgment. Meanwhile, there are other areas of UK-US commerce – a multibillion-pound “tech prosperity deal” currently under negotiation, for example – where a souring of diplomatic relations could have swift economic consequences. Then there is the problem of military dependency. All European Nato members have relied on US power to guarantee their security, but for Britain, the “special relationship” extended to a thorough enmeshing of systems. The technological infrastructure of UK national defence is wired to the Pentagon in ways that cannot simply be disregarded. The contrast with France, whose security and defence capabilities have evolved out of Gaullist mistrust of America, is notable. Emmanuel Macron was an early advocate of “strategic autonomy” from Washington, before most continental leaders anticipated a crisis in transatlantic relations on the current scale. Mr Trump’s erratic temperament and volatile actions make a compelling case for moving faster. The legacy of Brexit complicates the relationship with Europe, but it does not alter the strategic imperative of making common cause with continental allies.
Unemployment rising in UK
Unemployment in the UK has been rising recently, reaching about 5.2%, the highest level in nearly five years. This increase is mainly due to slow economic growth and businesses hiring fewer workers. Higher business costs and fewer job vacancies have also contributed to the problem, especially affecting young people looking for jobs. Launching a review into unemployment and economic inactivity among young people in December, the former health secretary Alan Milburn described the situation as a “national outrage”, and suggested that a “coalition of the concerned” would be needed to turn things around for the 16- to 24-year-olds known as Neets (not in education, employment or training). The latest figures, showing another increase in the final quarter of last year, to 957,000, underline the scale of the problem. The review is evidence that ministers are paying attention. The “youth guarantee” in the autumn budget means that £820m will be spent on paid work placements for 18- to 21-year-olds. But further bold reforms are needed if young adults are to be enabled to flourish.
