Sohail Warraich
Waris Shah’s *Heer* holds the status of an authoritative reference regarding the history, identity, culture, customs, virtues, and flaws of the Punjab region. In the introduction of “Heer” a work completed in 1766, some 260 years ago Waris Shah writes.
ایہہ قصِّہ ملک پنجاب دا اے
ایس نوں نال محبت پھرول میاں
(This tale belongs to the land of Punjab, explore it with love)
In other words, the story of Heer and Ranjha is the story of the land of Punjab, and one is invited to delve into it with affection. Thus, love is highlighted as Punjab’s defining characteristic, and it is portrayed as a distinct sovereign entity a “country.” The history associated with this verse reveals that Afghan rule over Punjab ended in 1765, and two chieftains of the Sikh Bhangi Misl Sardar Lehna Singh and Sardar Gujjar Singh seized the throne of Lahore. Interestingly, this was not a conflict between Sikhs and Muslims; the governor serving the Afghan Abdali rulers was a Hindu named Dewan Kabuli Mal. The Bhangi Misl rose to power after defeating him and his son, Amir Mal, and held authority for the next thirty years. However, in 1799, Maharaja Ranjit Singh chieftain of the Sukerchakia Misl assumed control of Punjab’s largest city following an invitation from influential Muslim citizens: Mehar Mohkam Din, Mian Muhammad Ashiq, and Mufti Muhammad Mukarram. It remained a sovereign state until the arrival of the British in 1849, possessing its own army, foreign policy, and distinct worldview. The boundaries of the state of Punjab extended as far as Kabul, it encompassed Kashmir, Peshawar, and the greater part of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. The British first separated the Frontier Province and Kashmir, and before leaving, they also divided Punjab into two parts.
The Muslim-majority provinces played a pivotal role in the creation of Pakistan; indeed, the truth is that the provinces existed prior to the formation of the country itself. The provincial assemblies and leaders of Punjab and Sindh collectively decided in favour of Pakistan, while the decision regarding the Frontier Province (Sarhad) was reached through a referendum; Balochistan, however, only came into existence as a province in 1970. Every province has its own history, and attachment to one’s homeland, province, or country is permissible even within the framework of religion. Love for one’s own identity and culture becomes prejudice only when it is rooted in opposition to or hatred of others; taking pride in one’s Pakistani identity while loving one’s native Punjab is not a crime. I can truly comprehend the identities and histories of Sindhis, Pashtuns, and Baloch people only if I first understand my own Punjabi identity. In present-day Pakistan, Punjab is the only province that was split into two major parts at the time of the country’s creation a division marked by massacres2 and widespread carnage. It is regrettable that no Punjabi whether Muslim, Sikh, or Hindu spoke out against this partition; Muslims took pride in the superiority of their Islamic identity, while Sardar Tara Singh was bent on aligning the Sikhs with the Hindus. At that critical juncture, when silence prevailed, Amrita Pritam born into a Sikh family in Gujranwala invoked the poet Waris Shah and raised her voice in protest. “Today I call upon Waris Shah: ‘Speak from within your grave! Turn the next page in the book of love. Once, a single daughter of Punjab wept, and you penned such heart-rending laments; today, millions of daughters are weeping and asking Waris Shah why he remains silent (I ask Waris Shah to speak from his grave and turn the next page of his epic “Heer”. When one daughter of Punjab wept, you poured out your grief in mournful verse; today, millions of daughters are weeping, asking why Waris Shah is silent.) Many smaller provinces accuse Punjab of exploitation, yet the other side of the coin reveals that while Punjab strengthened Pakistan by sacrificing lives through its military, it also sacrificed its own identity even its language and traditional attire. Urdu is spoken in homes instead of Punjabi, and for a long time, the “sari” was adopted as the elite attire for women. It is precisely because of Punjab’s tradition of self-sacrifice for the sake of Pakistan that when the discourse on new provinces began, a storm of protest erupted from Sindh, and the “Muhajirs” of Karachi raised their voices vehemently. Pashtun leaders like Maulana Fazlur Rehman spoke up, and the Chief Minister of Balochistan, Sarfraz Bugti, remained prominent in the debate; yet, neither Punjab’s rulers, politicians, nor intellectuals uttered a word. They did not speak up for Muslim interests in 1947, nor are they speaking for the national interest in 2026. Amrita Pritam is no longer alive; today’s poetess might be someone like Arifa Maryam, who remains silent. Nor is Waris Shah here today; this is the era of ‘Maslahat Shah’ (the Master of Expediency) whose lips are sealed by caution and the fear of public discord. Who, then, is left to speak? All of Punjab’s ‘Waris Shahs’ have long since passed away. Every nation in the world harbours some form of prejudice, and we, too, are afflicted by various biases. The malady of tribal fanaticism (asabiyyah) drove the Arabs from their zenith to decline and from peace to war, while the inhabitants of the Indus Valley were prevented from progressing by the ailments of prejudice, suspicion, and envy. Throughout history, kingship and governance have belonged to the wealthy, the brave, and the wise, yet envious detractors often mock Punjabis by calling them “dhagga” a derogatory term implying stupidity. In television dramas, Punjabi or Sindhi characters are frequently portrayed as the most naive or simple-minded, while films often depict Punjabi culture solely through the lens of brawls and the tyranny of feudal lords but is this truly the essence of Punjab? Two of Punjab’s divisions boast the highest per capita income in the country, and Punjabis have consistently constituted a disproportionately large share of the Islamic world’s most powerful army. Over the past three centuries, the region has produced the highest number of rulers from Punjab; clearly, had they lacked intellect, such extensive governance would not have been possible. Whether labelled traitors or agents, the undeniable truth remains that Punjabis made immense sacrifices of life during the capture of Delhi in 1857, as well as in the First and Second World Wars. According to Punjab’s Premier Sikandar Hayat, British Prime Minister Sir Winston Churchill had promised in recognition of the blood spilled by Punjabis the creation of a separate homeland, a promise that eventually materialized as Pakistan. Even today, should the need arise for Punjab to be partitioned or sacrificed as it was in 1947 it would neither scream nor protest; it would submit to the sacrifice like an innocent lamb, provided it truly served the greater interest of Pakistan. However, if the creation of new provinces were to pose a threat to the country’s defence, stability, and security, then it should not be undertaken. It must be remembered that these new provinces would effectively become isolated islands; while Lahore and Gujranwala might emerge as ‘Singapore’ due to their wealth and industries, places like Bahawalpur or Rajanpur could end up resembling nations in Africa. Tampering with history and geography is a far more delicate and sensitive undertaking than performing surgery on the human brain; the slightest tremor in one’s hands could disrupt the balance, and once that balance is lost, the very foundations of the edifice are shaken forever.
