
Suhail Warraich
Bulleh Shah lived through an era marked by political and economic crises; he described the rise and fall of power, the fluctuations in law and order, and social upheaval with great skill and eloquence. His words came to mind during the recent talk of an “emergency”; although he spoke of his own time, his verses seem to apply not to three centuries ago, but to the present day.
الٹے ہور زمانے آئے / کاں ککڑنوں مارن لگے / چڑیاں جرّے کھائے / الٹے ہور زمانے آئے /سچیاں نوں پئے ملدے دھکے / جھوٹے کول بہائے / الٹے ہور زمانے آئے / بلھیّا حکم حضوروں آیا / تِس نوں کون ہٹائے / الٹے ہور زمانے آئے۔
Bulleh Shah observes, “Times have changed so drastically that crows are overpowering roosters and sparrows are subduing hawks; those who speak the truth face rejection and hardship, while liars sit in the company of the powerful. When the command comes from ‘Above,’ who can avert it? Truly, the world has turned upside down.” A careful reading and understanding of Bulleh Shah’s verses illuminates the entire saga behind the imposition of the emergency. Regarding the collaboration between the political sphere and the establishment within the “hybrid” government.
The PML-N initially stalled the emergency for days, and the PPP subsequently stepped in, attempting in its own way to avert or postpone it. Yet, what is destined cannot be avoided; as Bulleh Shah put it, the command came from the divine meaning it originated from the heavens, so its implementation was inevitable. It remains to be seen what the political, administrative, and social repercussions of the simultaneous imposition of an emergency and Governor’s Rule will be. From a political perspective, the most significant point is that the Tehreek-e-Insaf has completely withdrawn from the national political system as a party. The Tehreek-e-Insaf held power in Pakhtunkhwa for nearly 13 years a tenure that, barring the interim government period, sets a record for continuous rule by the party in the province. During this time, Pervez Khattak, Mahmood Khan, Ali Amin Gandapur, and Sohail Afridi served successively as Chief Ministers. Pervez Khattak strengthened the Tehreek-e-Insaf into a robust political platform through a combination of political manoeuvring and development initiatives. While Mahmood Khan’s tenure fared slightly better than that of Punjab’s Buzdar, his term was largely characterized by a sense of impending departure, with no major achievements or significant projects accomplished.
Following the 2024 elections, Imran Khan nominated Ali Amin Gandapur as Chief Minister. Gandapur proved to be a political wizard; on one hand, he used his flute to charm the male and female serpents within the Tehreek-e-Insaf, while on the other, he used melodious tunes to appease the dragons lurking among the powerful. Yet, his wizardry could not last long. The very flute with which the “jogī” (snake charmer) had tamed those serpents fell victim to the clamour and rage of one female serpent. Then came Sohail Afridi. ‘Prisoner 804’ desired a Chief Minister for Khyber Pakhtunkhwa who would neither play the flute nor act as a wizard but rather transform into a dragon to launch an assault against the government opposing Tehreek-e-Insaf and the powerful establishment. Afridi initially played the magical flute, but the pressure was so immense that he soon broke the instrument and transformed into a dragon. He knew that dragons could easily fall prey to hunters, yet he deemed political martyrdom preferable to mere homicide; he chose that path. Now, even after facing a state of emergency, he has emerged as a more significant political figure than before.
As Chief Minister, the federal government and the establishment had already pulled the ground from beneath his feet, rendering him unable to deliver anything; thus, political martyrdom was precisely what he what he ultimately attained. The government in Pakhtunkhwa served as a safe haven for Tehreek-e-Insaf leaders across the country, and the Chief Minister by virtue of his position acted as their economic and political shield. Since the Chief Minister is an integral part of the power structure, the party’s issues and stance were represented in every meeting; such presence within the system is crucial. Being completely knocked out of the system after thirteen years is a major blow to Tehreek-e-Insaf. On the other hand, the suspension of the elected government, the imposition of Governor’s Rule, and the declaration of an emergency could herald a massive crisis. Tehreek-e-Insaf is the largest political party in Pakhtunkhwa; while in power, it possessed a political mandate regarding the fight against the Taliban. Now that the party’s government has fallen and it is absolved of that responsibility, it is likely to openly support the Taliban and militants while intensifying its verbal opposition to the military operation.
Consequently, the political ownership of the operation will shift from the provincial level to the federal level. Unlike the ANP, which stood firmly with the establishment regarding the military operation, the Tehreek-e-Insaf never took such a stance; while the Taliban launched assassination attempts against almost every ANP leader, the Chief Minister, ministers, and lawmakers of the Tehreek-e-Insaf were never targeted in this manner, owing to their weak and conciliatory position. Following the imposition of the state of emergency, the government-imposed constraints on them will vanish, allowing them to openly voice support for the Taliban and publicly oppose the operation. The country’s political situation has become increasingly grave since the emergency was declared; attempts to reach an understanding or reconciliation with the Tehreek-e-Insaf or to govern the state collaboratively have failed completely. It appears that the establishment, the PML-N, and the PPP have all come onto the same page regarding the imposition of the emergency, executing this extremely difficult political move through mutual consultation.
Although the three parties appeared united regarding the issues of Tehreek-e-Insaf and Pakhtunkhwa, underlying differences remain concealed beneath this apparent consensus. The question of new provinces is the most critical issue; reports indicate that President Zardari has held high-level meetings to discuss the creation of new provinces and various alternative proposals. Despite Bilawal Bhutto’s vehement opposition, President Zardari continues to meet daily with key figures within the system. While no formula for resolving these differences has yet emerged, negotiations appear to be ongoing in a friendly rather than acrimonious atmosphere; nevertheless, a significant gap remains between the positions of the two sides. When Bulleh Shah was consulted regarding the upheaval in the political landscape, he justified the situation with the phrase “Hukam Huzooron Aaya” (The command came from the authorities). Regardless of what anyone says, these are neither normal political times nor a standard political era; the imposition of an emergency or Governor’s Rule signifies an extraordinary crisis. It must be remembered that crises are ultimately resolved through negotiation, and the key to successful negotiation is flexibility. The imposition of an emergency represents the failure of flexibility and the triumph of stubbornness and ego.







